The Gleaner for some reason is leaving out the juicy bits (yes, Phillip Paulwell is the corrupt senior PNP politician that the US Embassy hoped would not be in Portia’s Cabinet…..) and the funny bits (yes, the US Embassy describes the JLP as being the party of the “middle class intelligentsia”…..).
Source tells US Embassy that Peter Phillips has PNP leadership election locked up in early 2006:
According to XXXXXXXXXXXX, Patterson persuaded Davies to enter the race to provide a more promising (and palatable) alternative than Blythe to Phillips and Simpson Miller, and because Patterson harbors long-standing grudges against both Phillips and Simpson Miller. Patterson, he explained, has never forgotten that it was Phillips who conveyed then-Prime Minister Michael Manley's 1991 request for Patterson's resignation as Finance Minister after Patterson was found to have improperly waived fuel import duties for a PNP crony who was also the local manager for a multinational petroleum company. As for Simpson Miller, she earned Patterson's ire by daring to run (unsuccessfully, as it turned out) against him to succeed Manley in 1992, and by frequently missing or arriving late to Cabinet meetings over the years, which Patterson viewed as a lack of respect for his authority.
After Portia wins the February 2006 PNP leadership election, US Embassy hopes that she won’t appoint Paulwell to her Cabinet:http://wikileaks.org/cable/2006/03/06KINGSTON542.html
Canadian DCM Brian Burton told DCM March 16 that Hylton had visited his boss, Canadian High Commissioner Claudio Valle, earlier that day to ask Valle whether the U.S. Ambassador and the British High Commissioner had intended to convey a message to Simpson Miller. According to Burton, Valle, who knows Simpson Miller well from two previous tours in Jamaica and who planned to have a one-on-one conversation with her about corruption concerns, responded frankly to Hylton's inquiry. Valle bluntly confirmed to Hylton that the Canadian, U.S. and U.K. missions are indeed concerned about Paulwell's reputed illicit activities and associations, and by the possibility that he (or others like him who supported Simpson Miller's campaign) could hold sensitive positions, or wield influence, in her government. Burton added that Hylton did not seem surprised by Valle's remarks.
US Embassy in Kingston speculates on the 2007 election:
f the JLP Wins: How will the U.S. accommodate a closer relationship? --------------------------------------------- ------------ 7.(C) A JLP victory would represent a sea change in Jamaica's political direction. As outlined Reftel (F), across a broad spectrum of issues-- from Venezuela and Cuba to trade liberalization, market-driven development, anti-corruption efforts, and Iraq-- the fundamental orientation of the JLP is more consonant with U.S. policies than that of the current Government. In private discussions with DCM and Emboff, Golding and other JLP officials have stated that, upon taking power, they will look to the U.S. for advice and assistance in areas as diverse as: -- harnessing remittances to boost economic development -- biofuels -- expansion of microfinance -- reform, clean-up, and training/equipping of the Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) -- financing infrastructure development. In short, the expectations of a newly-elected JLP Government would be high; the U.S. might well have difficulty meeting them. Washington should accommodate to the extent possible Golding's request for a visit (Reftel D) to discuss areas of potential cooperation, and begin thinking about what sort of response we would be able to make to a request for enhanced engagement by a more U.S.-oriented JLP Government, should that come to pass.
Sharon Hay-Webster shenanigans mentioned in this August 2009 cable:
One PNP MP representing South Central St. Catherine, visited Embassy Kingston on July 31 to renounce U.S. citizenship, only to withdraw the renunciation four days later. Nevertheless, over a week later the Jamaica Gleaner published an article on the MP's renunciation with no mention of its withdrawal, suggesting that the MP intends to leave the public impression of having renounced U.S. citizenship.
Audrey Marks visits the U.S. Embassy to urge them not to pressure Bruce re Dudus in this September 9, 2009 cable:
4. (C) The CDA stressed to Marks how important it is to the USG that the GOJ observe its treaty obligations and cooperate in Coke's extradition. Normally such extradition requests are executed within two to three weeks of the issuance of a diplomatic note. The CDA emphasized the USG's expectation that the GOJ will not refuse the extradition request on a technicality that had not been cited in similar extradition requests. CDA also noted that the extradition request on an earlier indictment for Mark Clark had not been acted upon. He expressed his hope that inaction would not be the norm for extradition requests.
Ken Baugh, Minister of Foreign Affairs repeats the message in September 9, 2009:
Nevertheless, Baugh assured EmbOff, the GoJ would "meet its obligations under the Extradition Treaty," although "due process" would have to be followed. (Comment: Baugh did not offer a specific timeframe. His concerns of possible civil unrest did not strike EmbOff as a mere pretext for GoJ delay in arresting Coke; on the contrary, his fears are well-founded. End Comment.) PARNELL
Ken Baugh, Ronald Robinson and Evadne Coye hem and haw over the extradition with Parnell in a busy September 2009:
7.(C) ChargC) then noted that a failure to extradite Coke would represent "a serious step backward." One of the reasons for security concerns in Jamaica's "garrison" communities was precisely because Coke and others were importing firearms and trafficking drugs. ChargC) asked whether the GoJ took the position that extradition treaty provisions only applied to lesser criminals; Baugh replied that anyone found guilty should be dealt with according to law, and then noted that the "technical aspects" of the Extradition Treaty must be decided by the Solicitor General and Ministry of Justice, bearing in mind the GoJ's duty to ensure that the rights of individual citizens were protected. ChargC) then pointed out that several years ago the Jamaican courts had ruled that there was no requirement that extradition requests name witnesses. Baugh said he would be surprised if the Solicitor General and Ministry of Justice were unfamiliar with the court's previous rulings vis-C -vis extradition requests. Baugh then raised concerns over a recent lawsuit by a Jamaican who had been extradited to the USA, filed on the grounds that extradition procedures had not been followed properly. ChargC) noted that a number of extradition requests in which witnesses had not been named had been successfully processed by the GoJ; the U.S. was disappointed that the GoJ had not moved more expeditiously and positively in the Coke case, but would continue to look for ways to move forward.
This is the cable filled with the most fun facts as the Embassy details Peter Phillips and Bruce Golding’s stand-off in Parliament in December 2009 (see if you can count how many lies Bruce told to the Manatt-Dudus Enquiry based on this cable alone….):
According to Phillips's sources, the Golding administration has been quietly reaching out to friends in the U.S. Congress and the administration through backchannels to try to circumvent the Departments of State and Justice and to make their case to the White House. Phillips also told Emboff that many key JLP stalwarts - Minister of Finance Audley Shaw, Minister of Education Andrew Holness, Minister of Housing Horace Chang, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Kenneth Baugh among them - have expressed to him their dissatisfaction with the Golding administration's handling of the Coke extradition request, but that they're unlikely to break with Golding over the issue, nor would he expect any JLP MPs to cross the aisle over the issue
7. (SBU) Having spent most of 2009 lambasted by critics as ineffective and indecisive, PM Golding and the GOJ now find themselves in an unfamiliar position - riding a wave of policy successes. Meanwhile, the tragedy of the Haitian earthquake has offered the PM a rare opportunity to rise above the bitterness and rancor of party politics and to present himself as a regional statesman and humanitarian, shepherding CARICOM's relief efforts and working closely with the Secretary and the USG. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the GOJ will take advantage of these policy achievements to finally impose order on the nation's fiscal affairs, draw down its crushing debt burden in order to free up resources for private investment, and rekindle economic growth. Perhaps more troubling is the GOJ's recent recalcitrance in granting U.S. extradition requests, suggesting a lack of seriousness in addressing Jamaica's crime problems, or even the possibility that garrison dons and criminal elements have "captured" the GOJ.
Those 2004 MOU’s get a mention as Bruce makes more excuses to delay the extradition in February 2010:
4. (C) Post requests that Department move forward with diplomatic note addressing the GOJ's concerns regarding use of wiretap information using talking points outlined in McDonough/Parnell e-mail of February 3. Charge has raised the matter of disclosure of the 2004 MOU between UK/GOJ/DEA with UK High Commissioner, and expects to get UK's views of MOU disclosure on February 10. Parnell